Saturday, December 7, 2019
Jordanian democracy Essay Example For Students
Jordanian democracy Essay Democracy and Political Reform in JordanIntroductionThe Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan with a population a little over six million and a country of about 97,740 sq. km. is bordered by Syria, Saudi Arabia, Iraq, the West Bank, and Israel. This country has come a long way politically since its beginning in 1921, when it was formerly known as Transjordan and along with Palestine were only just formed states that followed the Ottoman Empire. They were ruled by the British until 1946, when the British recognized its independence. The political history of Jordan has varied much since the starting point of this country. Since the beginning, tribal relations among the people of the land had much influence over the creation of a new state. This influence seeped into the political and social arenas (al-Attiyat, Shteiwi, Sweiss 17). Another influence in Jordan?s politics was when a special turning point occurred in 1989, where a political reform swept the nation. Political parties that had once been barred were re-established. This reform laid the stepping stones for the Jordanians to achieve a democratic administration. This small country has surprisingly one of the freest economies in the Middle East and continues its movement of political liberalization, in an attempt to achieve a democratic environment for its citizens (Wikipedia). Assumptions: Jordan still has not achieved a true democratic government yet. Jordan?s politics seems very limited and bounded by the government. No true democracy can really exist un der these conditions since freedom of speech and freedom to express new ideas are not allowed in such a society. Jordanian culture also hinders the advancement of a democratic administration since loyalty to family and tribe is of central importance and has more priority than most things for the majority of people of this region. GoalThe goal of this research paper is to analyze and inform readers of the political atmosphere and political history of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. MethodologyThe methodology of this paper is an informative one, informing on the past policies, the democratization process Jordan is struggling to continue, and the political reform of Jordan since 1989. An analytical approach will also be used to consider the obstacles facing the Jordanian government to fully up heave its political environment toward a more democratic one. Historical BackgroundThe politics in Jordan currently occurs in a structure of a parliamentary monarchy and a multi-party system. Jordan is a constitutional monarchy based on the constitution instated January 8, 1952 (Wikipedia). Perhaps the most significant and reciprocating turn of events for Jordan?s politics happened during King Hussein?s reign. The doors of democracy opened up by this late king to modernize and ameliorate the political atmosphere of his country. Similarly during this time, the political climate of Jordan had ventured into a period of ?anti-Western nationalism? (Hussein?s early reign). Politics had become tense between many high officials in the government. Suleiman Nabulsi, which was later forced to resign, and his administration had sought to end the monarchy and obtain aid from the Soviet Union. These turn of events would later move to impact the political freedom of the country for decades. A Hussein loyalist, Ibrahim Hashim, ultimately established control and barred all political party actions. In 1957, martial law was declared and parties were banned for around three decades. This decision hurt the democracy movement in Jordan and kept politics at a standstill for many years to come and the role of the tribes of Jordan would have a great impact in affairs of the state as the political parties ceased to exist even still so after they would come to be reinstated in 1992. At the turn of the 1980s, Jordan had entered a period of unemployment and poverty brought on by a financial crisis and this in turn led to an uprising and protesting among the citizens demanding democracy (al-Attiyat, Shteiwi, Sweiss 76). People began thirsting for the return of parliamentary life. Many factors contributed to the change of thought by the average Jordanian regarding its policies and government. The establishment in the mid 1990s of pan-Arab and transnational satellite television and radio channels widened space to debate that was not subject to national-level restrictions and censorship. In addition, the ratification of many Arab and international conventions related to political and economic reforms and the abolition of all forms of discrimination against women had offered new i nfluence for change. The beginning of the 90s saw a new wave of democracy for the Jordanians and since then their claims of democracy have risen with new laws issued to forward this achievement, a quota system was established for women, and political parties continue to seek their influence in its government. Further analysis and examination of this political reform and process in Jordan will be sought out in this research to evaluate the obstacles that lay ahead for the Jordanians to achieve a fully democratic system. Theoretical Robert Dahl, an American political scientist, has made major contributions to the study of democratic political processes and to the theory of democratic pluralism. The problem of political power sharing in democratic societies has been central to a number of Dahls inquiries, including his Preface to Democratic Theory ( 1956 ), which focused on the structures of conflict and compromise through which groups with divergent interests exercise power. For Dahl, conflicting interests were essential to good democratic government. Rather than centralizing power in the hands of a single majority, contested elections ensure that various, not necessarily like-minded minorities determine who holds power. In practice, he suggested, the chief issue in democracy is not the tyranny of the majority, but the ways in which minority blocks accommodate or frustrate one anothers demands. Dahls influential Who Governs? ( 1964 ) is an empirical study of these processes at the level of city government in New Haven, Connecticut. He revised and extended this theory in several works, including Polyarchy, Participation and Opposition ( 1971 ). West Gallery and East Gallery EssayWomen?s Empowerment Jordan has seen significant accomplishments in recent years on the subject of women?s rights and empowerment and their raising of status in society. In addition to progressively more entering the workplace, education and politics, women have recently gained a number of rights, represented in amendments in some laws, including a quota of seats for women in Parliament, and requirements related to divorce and marriage. This piece argues about the general account of women?s participation in Jordanian public life and its impact on the circumstances of women in society, the form and reality of women?s participation, such as voting in elections, and active participation in positions of policy making in civil society and state. It also scrutinizes the role played by recent developments, such as the taking up of the quota system and the amendments to legislation governing the role of women and their general public image in society.Women?s participation in many areas of politics is very low and there is a continual need to use affirmative action to include women in all aspects of the government. Participation in drafting state policies by taking part in government is an important indicator of the evolution of women?s participation in public decision making, which in turn influences the lives of individuals, both men and women, in society. At this level, participation comprises of being represented in the executive branch of government (Ibtissam Alttayat 25)Female participation in the drafting and execution of government policies and in holding state positions has seen a noticeable increase. Since 1997, four governments have been formed, with women represented in all but one. It has also been noted that participation by women has been confined to traditional themes, namely the holding of the same ministerial portfolio of social development, with the exception of Rima Khalaf and Laila Sharaf. No woman has held the post of minister of the interior, foreign minister or prime minister. If we assume that most cabinets comprise 25-30 ministers, then the percentage of women in them has hovered at about 3 percent, or one member, which is a very small percentage that cannot have a strong impact (Ibtissam al-Attiyat, 31). Women?s participation in elected council?s and organizations has changed. In 1982, Jordanian women received the right to vote and stand for election in municipal and village elections. Since then, they have voted but refrained from standing for election. Many efforts have been made to encourage women?s positive participation in local politics, by encouraging them to stand in the governorates and municipalities, which until a short ago were considered exclusively for men. The year 1994 was an important turning point for female participation at this level. The Cabinet agreed to appoint 99 women to municipal committees that were set up to prepare for the elections of municipal councils and mayors (Jordan the State). 20 women stood for the municipal election of July 1995 and they are considered a milestone in the history of Jordanian municipal elections. Iman Fatimat took many people by surprise when she became the first female mayor in a contest that saw her win in one of the most ?tribal? districts, although a small one, in Khirbay al-wahadina, in Karak (Jordan the State). This unprecedented victory helped to remove the constraints on women that had kept them from trying their politics at the level. It should be noted that women candidates in larger towns and centers were relatively unsuccessful, going down in defeat in the capital, Amman, and in Madaba, Mafraq, Jarash and Karak. These districts are relatively conservative, while the victory of a woman in the south country, where society is supposedly more conservative, which according to Dr. Musa Shtwiwi ?can be attributed to the development projects being implemented there by many NGOs? (Jordan State). These projects have helped strengthen women politically by strengthening them economically. Many development projects in less fortunate rural areas have concentrated on engaging women in the development process; they are encouraged to take part in administering local society that is often marginalized in larger towns and policies carried out there.
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